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A quarterly journal of school research and information providing access to research studies and reports produced by administrators in local school districts across the nation. Spectrum also features practical research conducted by the academic community, as well as data relevant to public school operation produced outside the field of education.

ERS Spectrum—Spring 2002

Early Childhood Education Issues

Stephanie Porch

Most Americans think education begins at age five—with kindergarten. But children are learning from the moment they’re born. And for millions of youngsters, the reality is that their early learning is a joint enterprise between parents and early childhood educators (Editorial Projects in Education 2002, online).

The focus of early childhood education has shifted dramatically in the last 20 years. In addition to growth in the number of children in prekindergarten programs, there is an increasing awareness of the importance of prekindergarten experiences to success in school. And the kindergarten year, which has swung back and forth over the decades from a time for children to learn social skills to one when they work on early academic skills, is now dedicated to building a foundation for reading. This current version of kindergarten can have a profound effect on what is taught in formal prekindergarten programs, as well as on how it is taught.

Issues relating to early childhood (prekindergarten) education are complex, and each of them has far-reaching implications for both public schools and the children they serve. In this article, we will highlight just a few of them.


Prekindergarten Programs

In 1989, former president George Bush and the nation’s governors established national education goals. The first goal addressed school readiness, and called for legislation to ensure that “every child enters school ready to learn” by the year 2000. The president and his advisors believed access to high-quality early childhood programs was key to meeting this goal (Children’s Defense Fund 2001, online). Throughout the 1990s, early learning continued as a prominent issue on the platforms of presidential and gubernatorial candidates. The current President Bush has said that he will make early child care and education a top priority.

The public supports providing additional funding for prekindergarten programs. According to the Children’s Defense Fund, 73 percent of Americans believe that working families should get financial assistance from the government for their child care costs (1999). However, data collected from the states for a 2002 report reveal wide state-to-state differences in the availability and financial support for prekindergarten programs:

States’ financial commitment to earlychildhood education varies widely, as do eligibility requirements and the number of children who actually receive services. Most states focus their prekindergarten efforts on the neediest youngsters. Twenty-six target children from low-income families; 15 of those also look at other risk factors, such as having a teenage parent. And nine states leave it up to local districts to determine which risk factors they will consider.

Only three states—Georgia, New York, and Oklahoma—and the District of Columbia are phasing in prekindergarten for any four-year-old whose parent wants it, regardless of income.

Similarly, although all states provide child care subsidies for at least some poor families, wide variations exist in the income limits that families must meet to qualify, the actual dollar amount of the subsidies, and the percentage of eligible children served. Families with low incomes, particularly the working poor, have the least access to high-quality early childhood services (Editorial Projects in Education 2002, online).

While many districts and states across the country are making headway in finding ways to collaborate and fund successful early education programs, only a handful have implemented programs as extensive as those in Georgia and North Carolina.
Georgia’s preschool program is among the “most progressive” in the nation. According to former governor Zell Miller, prekindergarten is not regarded “as a baby-sitting service. Nor is it a watered-down version of kindergarten.

Georgia’s pre-K programs use quality educational curricula that were developed specifically for four-year-olds” (National Center for Early Development and Learning 1999, 3). Over 80 percent of its pre-K teachers hold a four-year degree, and parents are able to choose a curriculum and provider to best suit their child. The state requires parent-teacher conferences, and provides for before- and after-school care (National Center for Early Development and Learning 1999).

Increasingly, states are getting the message that when it comes to early learning, quality is just as important as it is in K-12 education. In 2000, 21 states and the District of Columbia supplemented federal aid to serve additional children through Head Start, one of the nation’s largest preschool programs for disadvantaged three- to five-year olds. Thirty-one states underwrite one or more programs for infants and toddlers, up from 24 in 1998 (Edwards, et al. 2002, 2).

North Carolina’s Smart Start initiative has received much needed financing from state tax revenues and a “match of 5 percent cash and 5 percent in kind from other sources” that aids existing early childhood resources and programs (Education in the Early Years 1998, 7).

In addition to the wide variations in state support for prekindergarten programs, there is even wider variation in the affordability and accessibility of child care (Marshall, et al. 2001). The number of families on waiting lists for assistance with child care costs tops the thousands in most states, with only about 50 percent of eligible four-year-olds, and a fraction of children under age four, served nationwide by Head Start (Noble 2001).

There are also issues of quality. The majority of early education personnel have minimal qualifications and are provided little incentive for career development. Further, it is difficult to hire and retain qualified teachers due to extremely low pay, which averages half of what K-12 teachers in the public schools are paid. The Cost, Quality, and Outcomes study of 400 child care centers in four states assessed 74 percent of them as “mediocre” in quality, in that they met minimal health and safety standards but did not promote development and learning. An additional 12 percent were assessed as not even safe or healthy. Only 14 percent were judged to be of good quality (Hinkle 2000).

How much additional money would be needed to fund a greatly expanded public prekindergarten program? According to estimates issued by the Committee for Economic Development, the costs of universal preschool could run roughly $4,000 to $5,000 per child in a part-day, part-year program, which translates into $33.2 to $41.5 billion when taking into account the 8.3 million three- to five-year-olds in the U.S. today (2002). CED cautions that any “federal prekindergarten grant program must involve new money, not money taken from other important areas of education and child care such as K-12 reform, Head Start, and infant and toddler care, where there are also important needs” (CED 2002, 35).

CED views a partnership of states and the federal government as critical to meeting a goal of providing universal access to preschool, and recommends that states focus on three related issues:


Why the Increased Focus on Prekindergarten Programs?


Changing Demographics


Part of the answer lies in changing demographics. It is estimated that between 60 percent and 65 percent of mothers with children under the age of six work outside the home (Elicker and Mathur 1997; House Committee on Education and the Workforce 2001). The sheer number of working mothers has created a growing demand for reliable, safe places for children under the school age to attend.

Currently, about 60 percent of all children younger than five—almost 12 million children—spend part of their waking hours in the care of someone other than their parents (Editorial Projects in Education 2002), and already more than a million four-year-olds are served under the auspices of the public schools (National Center for Early Development Learning 2002).


Kindergarten Research that Demonstrates the Impact of High-Quality Programs

Peisner-Feinberg, et. al. (1999) have tracked the performance of children, some of whom had attended preschools characterized as high-quality and some who attended poor-quality programs, from age three through second grade. Children who had participated in the higher-quality programs:

Performed better on measures of both cognitive skills (e.g., math and language abilities) and social skills (e.g., interactions with peers, problem behaviors) in child care and through the transition into school… [In addition,] the quality of the child care experience continued to affect their development at least through kindergarten and in many cases through the end of second grade…. Children who are often at risk of not doing well in school were more sensitive to the effects of poor-quality care and received more benefits from high-quality care (1999, 1-2).
David Denton, director of school readiness and reading for the Southern Regional Education Board, reports on “methodologically sound evaluations [of prekindergarten programs] in five SREB states—Florida, Georgia, Maryland, South Carolina and Texas—that compared children who completed the state preschool program with similar children who did not:

In each of these five states, participation in the prekindergarten program improved school readiness, raised scores on achievement tests in reading and mathematics, and reduced the likelihood that a child would be required to repeat a grade in elementary school (2001, 14).

Similar results were reported in the Massachusetts Cost/Quality Study of Preschool Classrooms. Children who attend child care centers that offer high-quality care, particularly more language stimulation, show more advanced cognitive and language development (Marshall, et al. 2001).


Special Importance of High-Quality Prekindergarten for Children At-Risk

While it will come as no surprise to early grade teachers that children enter kindergarten with a wide range of social and academic skills, a relatively new U.S. Department of Education initiative has begun to provide quantitative data on the kindergartners of 1998-99 and on their progress through school to the fifth grade (Zill and West 2001). The first assessment of approximately 18,000 students who were entering kindergarten for the first time found that

Eighteen percent cannot demonstrate familiarity with the conventions of print; they do not know that English print is read from left to right and from top to bottom or where a story ends, [and] 34 percent cannot identify letters of the alphabet by name (9).
The study also collected data on four risk factors, including: having a mother with less than a high school diploma, living in a family that received food stamps or cash welfare payments, living in a single-parent household, or having parents whose primary language is something other than English. Only 44 percent of "multiple risk" children could identify letters of the alphabet as compared with 57 percent of “single risk” children and 75 percent of children in the “no risk” group.

The positive role that prekindergarten programs can play in helping these children at risk be better prepared for kindergarten is a key point in discussions about early childhood education. Pianta reports on the impact of participation in high-quality preschools:

The relative gains from attendance in such programs are on the order of five to seven points on standardized measures of achievement. Such gains require ongoing support once the child enters school in order to be maintained, but can be critical to early school success. Children from more disadvantaged backgrounds are likely to benefit even more from such programs than are children from middle-class backgrounds whose experiences at home will most likely provide them with the requisite developmental input for school readiness (2002, 7).

Research that Changes Our Understanding of Early Years Learning

A comprehensive report on the education of preschoolers issued by the National Research Council highlights the current research on what is known about young children and how they learn:

The striking feature of modern research is that it describes unexpected competencies in young children, key features of which appear to be universal. These data focus attention on the child’s exposure to learning opportunities…. Indeed, techniques that provide a window into the developing brain allow us to see that stimulation from the environment changes the very physiology of the brain, interlocking nature and nurture. Research from a variety of theoretical perspectives suggests that a defining nature of a supportive environment is a responsible and responsive adult. Parents, teachers, and care-givers promote development when they create learning experiences that build on and extend the child’s competence. To do this, adults must be sensitive to individual and developmental characteristics of the child (Bowman, Donovan, and Burns 2000, 4).
Research findings such as those described above again highlight the importance of quality prekindergarten experiences, especially for children who might be lacking critical cognitive stimulation in their home environments.


Components of High-Quality Prekindergarten Programs

Research has identified some important links between programs and student learning: Children who attend well-planned, high-quality early childhood programs in which curriculum aims are specified and integrated across domains tend to learn more and are better prepared to master the complex demands of formal schooling (Bowman, Donovan, and Burns 2000, 6).
A U.S. Department of Education synthesis of research about characteristics of effective early childhood education programs highlights the importance of explicitly providing instruction in the domains of language and cognition. Additionally:

Intensity and length of participation matter, especially for students who are at risk of later school failure due to factors such as poverty. While no one best curriculum was identified, explicit curricular goals, planned learning experiences in all curricular areas, and extensive language and literacy development were key ingredients. Children were better prepared for kindergarten when preschool experiences included a variety of classroom structures and “discourse patterns” (Dwyer, Chait, and McKee 2000).
In his review of evidence of effectiveness of preschool programs, Denton (2001) reports that: "There is solid evidence that preschool can make a big difference, and the evidence is growing steadily. [But] it is also increasingly clear that programs must be high-quality to make a difference" (3).

He describe the characteristics of high-quality preschool programs as those that typically improve children’s readiness for school and which seem to impact positively on children’s first-grade achievement in reading and mathematics, as well as have a negative correlation with the likelihood that children will repeat a grade or be referred for special education services. These "essential characteristics" fall into five basic program areas:

Attendance in early education and prekindergarten programs that emphasize and support stimulating, child-focused interaction has also been found to be associated with higher scores on a variety of social, emotional, and pre-academic competencies. Such interactions occur when a child and teacher converse about the child’s experience, read together, or work on a puzzle or project of interest to the child (Cost, Quality, and Outcomes Study Team 1995; NICHD ECCRN in press a). These types of interactions were found more likely to occur in child care and early education settings that emphasize staff professionalism, provide training in early education and care, and have experienced staff with degrees in child development, education, or related fields (NICHD ECCRN 1999).

The Preschool “Curriculum”

As in formal schooling, content matters. Young children who are given ample tools and stimulation (i.e. a parent or primary care-giver who talks with them, reads to them, shares experiences with them, and allows ample time for play) show markedly higher levels of early development than children who do not routinely receive quality interaction. There exists an intricate relationship between play and learning. Aside from the development of cognitive faculties, interactions that transpire during play (either self-involved or with others) promote physical and emotional awareness and the acquisition of social skills, such as confidence, discipline, and values. Further, physical activity that "hooks the brain up to the muscles" promotes the development of crucial sensory-motor development (Associated Press 2002, online).

Although the research described above provides some guidance about what high-quality prekindergarten programs "look like," there is less consensus about the specific curriculum and instructional approaches that should be used. Bowman, Donovan, and Burns are clear that “no single curriculum or pedagogical approach can be identified as best,” and early childhood experts differ on the type of program to offer to preschoolers with regard to curriculum, instructional method, and developmental goals. Some believe that social interaction and emotional growth are the most important objectives of a prekindergarten program, while others look to a more structured curriculum to prepare young children for the academics that lay ahead in the kindergarten year (Basile, Henderson, and Henry 1998).

Discussions about curriculum and instructional modes become particularly important as more school districts, and, in some cases, states, integrate their prekindergarten programs with the system of K-12 education. State and national accountability initiatives, which seek to ensure that all children are reading on grade level by the end of the third grade, are beginning to affect prekindergarten curriculum offered in public schools. Children are introduced to skill-based subjects at earlier ages than ever before, and readiness pressures are, in some cases, being pushed down into the preschool years, resulting in early expectancies and learning outcomes (Bredekamp 2000). Egertson describes some of these developmentally inappropriate practices:
It is not uncommon now to find child care and preschool settings in which children spend prolonged periods sitting at tables trying to complete pencil and paper tasks which would be inappropriate even for substantially older children (Egertson 1987, online).
Pianta discusses this issue of the preschool curriculum further:
Although researchers and practitioners agree on the value of enhancing the social and emotional quality of early education settings, they do not always agree on whether or how to infuse these settings with academics. Should early education programs directly expose children to instruction and structured interactions designed to build academic skills, or encourage the development of these competencies through active exploration and play? A great deal of attention is currently being directed at this area. States that are implementing prekindergarten programs for three- and four-year-olds are struggling with curriculum and instructional issues that reflect the tension noted above (2002, 8).

Kindergarten Readiness

One critical aspect in the planning of preschool programs is the way in which they are intended to support children’s readiness for kindergarten. Pianta suggests that:
To address the many issues involved in increasing the odds of children’s success in their early years of elementary school, we must pay careful attention to three core questions:
  1. What are the competencies that children bring with them to school?

  2. How do early educational environments shape these competencies, and what can we do about improving the competencies that children bring with them to school?

  3. In what ways do kindergartens and first grades respond to and build upon these competencies in classroom settings? Basically, what differences do schools make?
A well-informed approach must deal with all three of these questions—not one or another in isolation. For example, when communities institute prekindergarten screenings or provide preschool programs without at the same time addressing how the kindergarten and first-grade instructional program integrates with screening or curriculum at the preschool level, the resulting approach will be less productive than if these initiatives had been better integrated (2002, 2).

Thus, our focus in a discussion about school readiness must be on both children’s competencies and the ways early education and school settings provide opportunities and resources to enhance those competencies. [See "School Readiness in North Carolina” on pages 12-17 for a discussion of characteristics of schools that are “ready” for students with a wide range of experiences and competencies.]

One Maryland kindergarten teacher believes that some parents might be surprised by the level of knowledge needed to succeed in kindergarten:

For instance, ideally they should know how to write all their letters, and if they come in with sight words, that’s really helpful…a child who is ready for kindergarten might, among other signs: accidentally tear a page of a book and help the teacher repair it; ask another child, “What’s your name?” and then use the name to begin a conversation; offer “box” to rhyme with “fox”; find three rectangles on a shelf and say, “These are all rectangles”; wonder aloud what happens to worms in the winter; contribute appropriate ideas to a class list of healthy snacks; and explain that “if we don’t clean up, the room will get messier and messier” (Aizenman 2002, online).

A recent report issued by the Maryland State Department of Education found that statewide, only 49 percent of kindergartners were deemed “fully ready” at the time they entered kindergarten, with the percentage much lower for poor children (2002). It is anticipated that children not “fully ready” will need special and more intensive teacher support in order to succeed in kindergarten, thus creating a problem not only for the child but for the teacher who is charged with educating children with a wide range of knowledge and skills.

In addition to more academic skills, children typically demonstrate a wide range of social competencies. Some adapt quickly to the new environment, while others struggle and are overwhelmed by the experience. Those who have a difficult time adjusting are often children who received very “little mental stimulation or emotional support” in their very first years (Noble 2001). The Peisner-Feinberg, et. al. study mentioned earlier found that high-quality prekindergarten programs, characterized in part by strong teacher-child relationships, had a positive impact on children’s social development, which, in turn, “enhance children’s abilities to take advantage of the educational opportunities in school” (1999, 2).


Why Should Public Schools Be Involved in Early Childhood?

This is the question asked in a U.S. Department of Education report. Hinkle (2000) provides some reasons:
Attention is also being directed at the role of schools in helping children “transition” more successfully to kindergarten. Contact with prekindergarten program providers as well as children and their families is considered a key component of successful programs. Some “best practices” include:

In Summary
.
A conference on education in the early years identified the following factors as critical to the success of an early education program, regardless of curricular focus: “infrastructure, collaboration, funding, accountability and evaluation, parental and family involvement, professional development and support, and standards and regulations” (National Center for Early Development and Learning 1999).

Developing programs with these characteristics is a daunting endeavor, especially in this time of ever-tightening state and local budgets. However, given the tremendous growth in the numbers of young children attending day care and prekindergarten programs, the increase in expectations for early grades learning, and the clear indication that high-quality prekindergarten experiences can make a difference, schools and districts across the country are likely to be talking about what young children in their communities need and how this can be provided.

While not every school may be in a position to offer its own program, each can contribute to the discussion about what is needed and how to accomplish the goal of providing a solid educational foundation for all our children.


References

Aizenman, Nurith C. Many Kindergartners Unready, Report Says. The Washington Post (February 27, 2002). Online: www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn?pagename=article&node=& contentId=A7611-2002Feb26.

Associated Press. (2002). Get babies out of the stroller. MSNBC News Online. Online: www.msnbc.com/news/700962.asp.

Basile, Kathleen C., Laura W. Henderson, and Gary T. Henry. Prekindergarten Longitudinal Study, 1996-1997 School Year, Report 1: Program Implementation Characteristics (Prepared for Office of School Readiness). Georgia State University: Applied Research Center, School of Policy Studies, 1998. Online: www.arc.gsu.edu/prek/report/rep/9697.pdf.

Bowman, Barbara, M. Suzanne Donovan, and M. Susan Burns (editors). (2000). Eager to Learn: Educating Our Preschoolers (Executive Summary). Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

Bredekamp, Sue.( 2000). What Early Childhood Teachers Need to Know About Language. ERIC Clearinghouse on Languages and Linguistics, Washington DC. Online: www.ed.gov/databases/ERIC_Digests/ed447722.html.

Children’s Defense Fund. (1999). Key Facts: Overview of Child Care, Early Education, and School-Age Care. Washington, DC: Author. Online: www.childrensdefense.org/pdf/99_overview.pdf.

Children’s Defense Fund. (2001). Quality Child Care is Key to School Readiness. Washington, DC: Author. Online: www.childrensdefense.org/cc_school_readiness.htm.

Committee for Economic Development, Research and Policy Committee. (2002). Preschool For All: Investing In a Productive and Just Society. New York, NY: Committee for Economic Development.

Cost, Quality, and Child Outcomes Study Team. (1995). Cost, Quality, and Child Outcomes in Child Care Centers, Technical Report. Denver: University of Colorado at Denver, Department of Economics, Center for Research in Economic and Social Policy.

Denton, David.( 2001). Improving Children’s Readiness for School: Preschool Programs Make a Difference But Quality Counts. Atlanta, GA: Southern Regional Education Board.

Dwyer, M. Christine, Robin Chait, and Patricia McKee. (2000). Building Strong Foundations for Early Learning: Guide to High-Quality Early Childhood Education Programs. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, Planning and Evaluation Service.

Editorial Projects in Education. (2002). In Early-Childhood Education and Care: Quality Counts. Quality Counts 2002: Building Blocks for Success (January 10, 2002). Online: www.edweek.org/sreports/qc02/templates/article.cfm?slug=17exec.h21.

Edwards V. B., et. al. (2002). Building Blocks for Success In Early-Childhood Education and Care: Quality Counts. Quality Counts 2002: Building Blocks for Success (January 10, 2002). Online: www.edweek.org/sreports/qc02/templates/article.cfm?slug=17exec.h21.

Egertson, Harriet A. (1987). The Shifting Kindergarten Curriculum. ERIC Clearinghouse on Early Childhood Education, Urbana IL. Online: www.ed.gov/databases/ERIC_Digests/ed293630.html.

Elicker, James, and Sangeeta Mathur. (1997). What Do They Do All Day? Comprehensive Evaluation of a Full-Day Kindergarten. Early Childhood Research Quarterly. Vol. 12. No. 4: 459-480.

Halle, T. et. al. (2000). Background for Community-Level Work on School Readiness: A Review of Definitions, Assessments, and Investment Strategies (Executive Summary). Washington, DC: Child Trends.

Hinkle, Donna. (2000). School Involvement in Early Childhood. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement.

House Committee on Education and the Workforce. Childcare: Improve Quality and Availability for America’s Working Families. Press Release 12/19/01. Online: edworkforce.house.gov/democrats/rel121901.html.

Marshall, Nancy L., et. al. (2001). The Cost and Quality of Full-Day, Year-Round Early Care and Education in Massachusetts: Preschool Classrooms. Executive Summary. Wellesley, MA: Wellesley Centers for Women and Abt Associates, Inc.

Maryland State Department of Education. (2002). Children Entering School Ready to Learn: School Readiness Baseline Information. Baltimore, MD: Author.

National Center for Early Development & Learning (NCEDL). (2002). Building blocks for success: State efforts in early childhood education. Chapel Hill, NC: NCEDL.

National Center for Early Development & Learning (NCEDL). (1999). Education in the Early Years: A Conference for States on Early Childhood Education. Chapel Hill, NC: Author.

NICHD Early Child Care Research Network. (in press a). Early Childcare and Children’s Development Prior to School Entry. American Educational Research Journal.

NICHD Early Child Care Research Network. (1999). Child Outcomes When Childcare Center Classes Meet Recommended Standards for Quality. American Journal of Public Health, 89(7), 1072-1077.

Noble, Sean. (2001). A Universal Good: Expanding Voluntary, Early Learning Opportunities for Illinois’ Young Children. Chicago, IL: Voices for Illinois Children.

Peisner-Feinberg, E.S., et al. (1999). The Children of the Cost, Quality, and Outcomes Study Go to School. Chapel Hill, NC: Frank Porter Center for Child Development, University of North Carolina.

Pianta, Robert. (2002). School Readiness: A Focus on Children, Families, Communities, and Schools. ERS Informed Educator. Arlington, VA: Educational Research Service.

Zill, Nicholas, and Jerry West. (2001). Entering Kindergarten: A Portrait of America’s Children When They Begin School: [Findings from the Condition of Education 2000]. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics.


Stephanie Porch is a Research Specialist with Educational Research Service.


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