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ERS SpectrumSpring 2002
Stephanie Porch
| Most Americans think education begins at age fivewith kindergarten. But children are learning from the moment theyre born. And for millions of youngsters, the reality is that their early learning is a joint enterprise between parents and early childhood educators (Editorial Projects in Education 2002, online). |
The focus of early childhood education has shifted dramatically in the last 20 years. In addition to growth in the number of children in prekindergarten programs, there is an increasing awareness of the importance of prekindergarten experiences to success in school. And the kindergarten year, which has swung back and forth over the decades from a time for children to learn social skills to one when they work on early academic skills, is now dedicated to building a foundation for reading. This current version of kindergarten can have a profound effect on what is taught in formal prekindergarten programs, as well as on how it is taught.
Issues relating to early childhood (prekindergarten) education are complex, and each of them has far-reaching implications for both public schools and the children they serve. In this article, we will highlight just a few of them.
Prekindergarten Programs
In 1989, former president George Bush and the nations governors established
national education goals. The first goal addressed school readiness, and called
for legislation to ensure that every child enters school ready to learn
by the year 2000. The president and his advisors believed access to high-quality
early childhood programs was key to meeting this goal (Childrens Defense
Fund 2001, online). Throughout the 1990s, early learning continued as a prominent
issue on the platforms of presidential and gubernatorial candidates. The current
President Bush has said that he will make early child care and education a top
priority.
The public supports providing additional funding for prekindergarten programs.
According to the Childrens Defense Fund, 73 percent of Americans believe
that working families should get financial assistance from the government for
their child care costs (1999). However, data collected from the states for a
2002 report reveal wide state-to-state differences in the availability and financial
support for prekindergarten programs:
States financial commitment to earlychildhood education varies widely, as do eligibility requirements and the number of children who actually receive services. Most states focus their prekindergarten efforts on the neediest youngsters. Twenty-six target children from low-income families; 15 of those also look at other risk factors, such as having a teenage parent. And nine states leave it up to local districts to determine which risk factors they will consider.
Only three statesGeorgia, New York, and Oklahomaand the District of Columbia are phasing in prekindergarten for any four-year-old whose parent wants it, regardless of income.
Similarly, although all states provide child care subsidies for at least some poor families, wide variations exist in the income limits that families must meet to qualify, the actual dollar amount of the subsidies, and the percentage of eligible children served. Families with low incomes, particularly the working poor, have the least access to high-quality early childhood services (Editorial Projects in Education 2002, online).
While many districts and states across the country are making headway in finding
ways to collaborate and fund successful early education programs, only a handful
have implemented programs as extensive as those in Georgia and North Carolina.
Georgias preschool program is among the most progressive in
the nation. According to former governor Zell Miller, prekindergarten is not
regarded as a baby-sitting service. Nor is it a watered-down version of
kindergarten.
Georgias pre-K programs use quality educational curricula that were developed specifically for four-year-olds (National Center for Early Development and Learning 1999, 3). Over 80 percent of its pre-K teachers hold a four-year degree, and parents are able to choose a curriculum and provider to best suit their child. The state requires parent-teacher conferences, and provides for before- and after-school care (National Center for Early Development and Learning 1999).
Increasingly, states are getting the message that when it comes to early learning, quality is just as important as it is in K-12 education. In 2000, 21 states and the District of Columbia supplemented federal aid to serve additional children through Head Start, one of the nations largest preschool programs for disadvantaged three- to five-year olds. Thirty-one states underwrite one or more programs for infants and toddlers, up from 24 in 1998 (Edwards, et al. 2002, 2).
North Carolinas Smart Start initiative has received much needed financing from state tax revenues and a match of 5 percent cash and 5 percent in kind from other sources that aids existing early childhood resources and programs (Education in the Early Years 1998, 7).
In addition to the wide variations in state support for prekindergarten programs, there is even wider variation in the affordability and accessibility of child care (Marshall, et al. 2001). The number of families on waiting lists for assistance with child care costs tops the thousands in most states, with only about 50 percent of eligible four-year-olds, and a fraction of children under age four, served nationwide by Head Start (Noble 2001).
There are also issues of quality. The majority of early education personnel
have minimal qualifications and are provided little incentive for career development.
Further, it is difficult to hire and retain qualified teachers due to extremely
low pay, which averages half of what K-12 teachers in the public schools are
paid. The Cost, Quality, and Outcomes study of 400 child care centers in four
states assessed 74 percent of them as mediocre in quality, in that
they met minimal health and safety standards but did not promote development
and learning. An additional 12 percent were assessed as not even safe or healthy.
Only 14 percent were judged to be of good quality (Hinkle 2000).
How much additional money would be needed to fund a greatly expanded public
prekindergarten program? According to estimates issued by the Committee for
Economic Development, the costs of universal preschool could run roughly $4,000
to $5,000 per child in a part-day, part-year program, which translates into
$33.2 to $41.5 billion when taking into account the 8.3 million three- to five-year-olds
in the U.S. today (2002). CED cautions that any federal prekindergarten
grant program must involve new money, not money taken from other important areas
of education and child care such as K-12 reform, Head Start, and infant and
toddler care, where there are also important needs (CED 2002, 35).
CED views a partnership of states and the federal government as critical to
meeting a goal of providing universal access to preschool, and recommends that
states focus on three related issues:
Changing Demographics
Part of the answer lies in changing demographics. It is estimated that between
60 percent and 65 percent of mothers with children under the age of six work
outside the home (Elicker and Mathur 1997; House Committee on Education and
the Workforce 2001). The sheer number of working mothers has created a growing
demand for reliable, safe places for children under the school age to attend.
Currently, about 60 percent of all children younger than fivealmost 12
million childrenspend part of their waking hours in the care of someone
other than their parents (Editorial Projects in Education 2002), and already
more than a million four-year-olds are served under the auspices of the public
schools (National Center for Early Development Learning 2002).
Kindergarten Research that Demonstrates the Impact of High-Quality Programs
Peisner-Feinberg, et. al. (1999) have tracked the performance of children, some
of whom had attended preschools characterized as high-quality and some who attended
poor-quality programs, from age three through second grade. Children who had
participated in the higher-quality programs:
Performed better on measures of both cognitive skills (e.g., math and language abilities) and social skills (e.g., interactions with peers, problem behaviors) in child care and through the transition into school [In addition,] the quality of the child care experience continued to affect their development at least through kindergarten and in many cases through the end of second grade . Children who are often at risk of not doing well in school were more sensitive to the effects of poor-quality care and received more benefits from high-quality care (1999, 1-2).David Denton, director of school readiness and reading for the Southern Regional Education Board, reports on methodologically sound evaluations [of prekindergarten programs] in five SREB statesFlorida, Georgia, Maryland, South Carolina and Texasthat compared children who completed the state preschool program with similar children who did not:
In each of these five states, participation in the prekindergarten program improved school readiness, raised scores on achievement tests in reading and mathematics, and reduced the likelihood that a child would be required to repeat a grade in elementary school (2001, 14).
Similar results were reported in the Massachusetts Cost/Quality Study of Preschool Classrooms. Children who attend child care centers that offer high-quality care, particularly more language stimulation, show more advanced cognitive and language development (Marshall, et al. 2001).
Special Importance of High-Quality Prekindergarten for Children At-Risk
While it will come as no surprise to early grade teachers that children enter
kindergarten with a wide range of social and academic skills, a relatively new
U.S. Department of Education initiative has begun to provide quantitative data
on the kindergartners of 1998-99 and on their progress through school to the
fifth grade (Zill and West 2001). The first assessment of approximately 18,000
students who were entering kindergarten for the first time found that
Eighteen percent cannot demonstrate familiarity with the conventions of print; they do not know that English print is read from left to right and from top to bottom or where a story ends, [and] 34 percent cannot identify letters of the alphabet by name (9).The study also collected data on four risk factors, including: having a mother with less than a high school diploma, living in a family that received food stamps or cash welfare payments, living in a single-parent household, or having parents whose primary language is something other than English. Only 44 percent of "multiple risk" children could identify letters of the alphabet as compared with 57 percent of single risk children and 75 percent of children in the no risk group.
The relative gains from attendance in such programs are on the order of five to seven points on standardized measures of achievement. Such gains require ongoing support once the child enters school in order to be maintained, but can be critical to early school success. Children from more disadvantaged backgrounds are likely to benefit even more from such programs than are children from middle-class backgrounds whose experiences at home will most likely provide them with the requisite developmental input for school readiness (2002, 7).
The striking feature of modern research is that it describes unexpected competencies in young children, key features of which appear to be universal. These data focus attention on the childs exposure to learning opportunities . Indeed, techniques that provide a window into the developing brain allow us to see that stimulation from the environment changes the very physiology of the brain, interlocking nature and nurture. Research from a variety of theoretical perspectives suggests that a defining nature of a supportive environment is a responsible and responsive adult. Parents, teachers, and care-givers promote development when they create learning experiences that build on and extend the childs competence. To do this, adults must be sensitive to individual and developmental characteristics of the child (Bowman, Donovan, and Burns 2000, 4).Research findings such as those described above again highlight the importance of quality prekindergarten experiences, especially for children who might be lacking critical cognitive stimulation in their home environments.
Components of High-Quality Prekindergarten Programs
Research has identified some important links between programs and student learning:A U.S. Department of Education synthesis of research about characteristics of effective early childhood education programs highlights the importance of explicitly providing instruction in the domains of language and cognition. Additionally:Children who attend well-planned, high-quality early childhood programs in which curriculum aims are specified and integrated across domains tend to learn more and are better prepared to master the complex demands of formal schooling (Bowman, Donovan, and Burns 2000, 6).
Intensity and length of participation matter, especially for students who are at risk of later school failure due to factors such as poverty. While no one best curriculum was identified, explicit curricular goals, planned learning experiences in all curricular areas, and extensive language and literacy development were key ingredients. Children were better prepared for kindergarten when preschool experiences included a variety of classroom structures and discourse patterns (Dwyer, Chait, and McKee 2000).In his review of evidence of effectiveness of preschool programs, Denton (2001) reports that: "There is solid evidence that preschool can make a big difference, and the evidence is growing steadily. [But] it is also increasingly clear that programs must be high-quality to make a difference" (3).
Attendance in early education and prekindergarten programs that emphasize and support stimulating, child-focused interaction has also been found to be associated with higher scores on a variety of social, emotional, and pre-academic competencies. Such interactions occur when a child and teacher converse about the childs experience, read together, or work on a puzzle or project of interest to the child (Cost, Quality, and Outcomes Study Team 1995; NICHD ECCRN in press a). These types of interactions were found more likely to occur in child care and early education settings that emphasize staff professionalism, provide training in early education and care, and have experienced staff with degrees in child development, education, or related fields (NICHD ECCRN 1999).
The Preschool Curriculum
As in formal schooling, content matters. Young children who are given ample tools and stimulation (i.e. a parent or primary care-giver who talks with them, reads to them, shares experiences with them, and allows ample time for play) show markedly higher levels of early development than children who do not routinely receive quality interaction. There exists an intricate relationship between play and learning. Aside from the development of cognitive faculties, interactions that transpire during play (either self-involved or with others) promote physical and emotional awareness and the acquisition of social skills, such as confidence, discipline, and values. Further, physical activity that "hooks the brain up to the muscles" promotes the development of crucial sensory-motor development (Associated Press 2002, online).It is not uncommon now to find child care and preschool settings in which children spend prolonged periods sitting at tables trying to complete pencil and paper tasks which would be inappropriate even for substantially older children (Egertson 1987, online).Pianta discusses this issue of the preschool curriculum further:
Although researchers and practitioners agree on the value of enhancing the social and emotional quality of early education settings, they do not always agree on whether or how to infuse these settings with academics. Should early education programs directly expose children to instruction and structured interactions designed to build academic skills, or encourage the development of these competencies through active exploration and play? A great deal of attention is currently being directed at this area. States that are implementing prekindergarten programs for three- and four-year-olds are struggling with curriculum and instructional issues that reflect the tension noted above (2002, 8).
To address the many issues involved in increasing the odds of childrens success in their early years of elementary school, we must pay careful attention to three core questions:
A well-informed approach must deal with all three of these questionsnot one or another in isolation. For example, when communities institute prekindergarten screenings or provide preschool programs without at the same time addressing how the kindergarten and first-grade instructional program integrates with screening or curriculum at the preschool level, the resulting approach will be less productive than if these initiatives had been better integrated (2002, 2).
- What are the competencies that children bring with them to school?
- How do early educational environments shape these competencies, and what can we do about improving the competencies that children bring with them to school?
- In what ways do kindergartens and first grades respond to and build upon these competencies in classroom settings? Basically, what differences do schools make?
Thus, our focus in a discussion about school readiness must be on both childrens competencies and the ways early education and school settings provide opportunities and resources to enhance those competencies. [See "School Readiness in North Carolina on pages 12-17 for a discussion of characteristics of schools that are ready for students with a wide range of experiences and competencies.]
One Maryland kindergarten teacher believes that some parents might be surprised by the level of knowledge needed to succeed in kindergarten:
For instance, ideally they should know how to write all their letters, and if they come in with sight words, thats really helpful a child who is ready for kindergarten might, among other signs: accidentally tear a page of a book and help the teacher repair it; ask another child, Whats your name? and then use the name to begin a conversation; offer box to rhyme with fox; find three rectangles on a shelf and say, These are all rectangles; wonder aloud what happens to worms in the winter; contribute appropriate ideas to a class list of healthy snacks; and explain that if we dont clean up, the room will get messier and messier (Aizenman 2002, online).
A recent report issued by the Maryland State Department of Education found
that statewide, only 49 percent of kindergartners were deemed fully ready
at the time they entered kindergarten, with the percentage much lower for poor
children (2002). It is anticipated that children not fully ready
will need special and more intensive teacher support in order to succeed in
kindergarten, thus creating a problem not only for the child but for the teacher
who is charged with educating children with a wide range of knowledge and skills.
In addition to more academic skills, children typically demonstrate a wide range
of social competencies. Some adapt quickly to the new environment, while others
struggle and are overwhelmed by the experience. Those who have a difficult time
adjusting are often children who received very little mental stimulation
or emotional support in their very first years (Noble 2001). The Peisner-Feinberg,
et. al. study mentioned earlier found that high-quality prekindergarten programs,
characterized in part by strong teacher-child relationships, had a positive
impact on childrens social development, which, in turn, enhance
childrens abilities to take advantage of the educational opportunities
in school (1999, 2).
Why Should Public Schools Be Involved in Early Childhood?
While not every school may be in a position to offer its own program, each can contribute to the discussion about what is needed and how to accomplish the goal of providing a solid educational foundation for all our children.
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